If we form a new party but retain the current structure, we will end up corrupt as well: Arif Sohel

When Arif Sohel was detained by the Detective Branch (DB) on 28 July, Sheikh Hasina's grip on power was absolute. The arrest came following several days of bloodshed, where state security forces and ruling party 'freestyle shooters' had killed hundreds of protesters across Bangladesh, particularly in Dhaka. 

At night, came police raids against students and opposition politicians. Arif too fell prey to this 15-year-old tactic of the regime. 

He was taken by the police without any formal acknowledgement. On the night Arif was detained, his elder brother was also detained. However, after Arif convinced the authorities that his brother was not involved in the movement, they released him.

In typical fashion, the DB provided no information to Arif's family about his whereabouts after abducting him on 28 July. It was not until he was presented in court on July 29, with the police requesting a 10-day remand for allegedly 'vandalising the Setu Bhaban,' that his family learned of his situation. 

Despite the implausibility of a Jahangirnagar University (in Savar) student leader vandalising Setu Bhaban in Banani, the court granted a six-day remand.

Arif was a key coordinator of the student and people's movement that ultimately led to Hasina's fall, responsible for coordinating the movement on the Jahangirnagar University campus.

"I saw people taken in and out of the remand cell, tortured and injured to the point where they couldn't walk. I was ready for that," he said. 

But in the remand cell, Arif was not subjected to the physical torture he had feared. Instead, the investigating officers employed various forms of psychological torment, including calling him a "grandson of a razakar," in an attempt to coerce him into declaring the withdrawal of the movement — a demand he refused.

Meanwhile, the seemingly weakened movement began to regroup in Dhaka. Students returned to the streets, undeterred by the cheap theatrics of the government's officials by forcing other coordinators to withdraw the movement on screen. 

"I saw new students being detained, and it only gave me hope that the movement was still alive and we hadn't given up," Arif said.

Meanwhile, a bullet splinter in his leg got infected. He needed immediate treatment but the officials in charge could not care less.

After the release of six coordinators, Arif was also freed on 3 August — the same day Dhaka prepared for massive processions towards Shaheed Minar. It was there that the demand for Hasina's ouster was announced, marking the beginning of the end for her autocratic regime.

Long before Nahid announced the one-point demand for Hasina's resignation, Jahangirnagar had already been plotting an announcement for the mass uprising during the internet blackout. They even considered approaching police stations to persuade officials to abandon their posts, leaving their weapons behind. However, once communication was reestablished, the movement was coordinated on a national scale. 

"Our understanding was that it was a quota reform movement until 15 July. After that, it evolved into a mass uprising. Although it was a continuation of the quota movement, the two are distinct movements," Arif said.

On 4 August, Arif underwent surgery to remove infected tissue from bullet wounds in his leg. "I was physically very weak. But the next day, 5 August, was the long march to Dhaka. I joined the march from Jahangirnagar University at the NH gate on crutches. This inspired the entire group of protesters there," Arif said.

However, Arif could not keep up with the wave of people for long. Fellow protesters advised him to return to safety, as there was a risk of attack. He went home to rest. The march, indeed, faced violence at Savar Radio Colony, where Jahangirnagar University student Srabon Gazi and several others were martyred.

While resting at home, Arif heard the news of Sheikh Hasina's resignation and the takeover of her residence by the people.

"We have a clear vision that there should be no discrimination among people. Everyone must enjoy equal privileges and be treated fairly by the law. It's unacceptable for one group to use the law to oppress others, while the oppressed group remains powerless. As human beings, we have the right to live with dignity and pursue our chosen livelihoods. These are fundamental rights"

First Chhatra League-free campus 

In July, Jahangirnagar University was one of the first campuses in Bangladesh to rid itself of Chhatra League cadres.

On the night of 14 July, when students across campuses chanted 'razakar' slogans in protest of Hasina's comments, two students in Rabindranath Tagore Hall were tortured by Chhatra League members.

Students from all halls gathered in front of Tagore Hall to protest against Chhatra League cadres. That night, the provost of Tagore Hall resigned. The following day, 15 July, students staged demonstrations across the campus in response to the Chhatra League attacks at Jahangirnagar University and other campuses throughout Bangladesh.

Chhatra League attacked the students and blocked some female students inside the CSE building. The students regrouped and managed to rescue the girls from the building. They then proceeded to the vice chancellor's residence to discuss the situation, only to be met with an assault by criminals brought in from outside the campus. 

"We took shelter inside the gate of the VC's residence. Despite the girls knocking on his door for refuge, the VC didn't allow us inside," Arif said. 

"We were prepared to die at that moment. The terrorists were armed with enough weapons to kill us all. We instructed students to go Live and call for help. Then, four to five thousand students from various halls on our campus came to our rescue, driving the terrorists away," Arif said. 

"When we assembled in front of the VC's house, the police started throwing tear gas at us. We then marched from hall to hall and discovered that the Chhatra League had fled the campus," Arif said.

"15 July was the turning point for Jahangirnagar University. We drove Chhatra League terrorists away in one night and cleared the campus of their presence within two hours, once all the students joined us," he added.

Now is the time for state reform 

With victory achieved, the focus has now shifted to discussions about state reform and the future of Bangladesh as a true democratic nation. 

Arif believes that absolute power corrupts absolutely. 

"If one had the power to do anything I wished, even a good person could become arrogant and perpetuate oppression. This is what has happened in Bangladesh — whoever gains power becomes a tyrant," he said.

He regrets that we still have British-era administrative mechanisms in place within the police, administration, and judiciary. 

These structures were originally designed to exploit the people of this region and facilitate smuggling, preventing them from voicing their grievances against oppression, he said, adding that these systems were never reformed after independence.