What exactly is Bangladesh’s foreign policy?
If one looks at the evolving actions of Bangladesh towards different states since 1971, under different ruling parties, one will see that Bangladesh has followed a flexible foreign policy – a shifting one, depending on its immediate national interests.
Bangladesh often highlights its foreign policy as being based on Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's historic maxim – "Friendship towards all, malice towards none." However, one may find it perplexing to use a quote as a foreign policy dictum in the changed geopolitical context of the twenty-first century.
In this article, I will argue that Bangladesh has a foreign policy that is adaptive towards different geopolitical risks, which are implemented on an ad-hoc basis. The efficacy of such a policy is a different discussion, but when it comes to policy questions, Bangladesh certainly does have one.
What exactly is a foreign policy of a country? Scholars cannot agree on a single definition of foreign policy in the study of international relations.
At its core, foreign policy consists of each state taking actions or decisions in its relations with other states. Put more bluntly, foreign policy is a set of actions taken by the state, be it on an ad-hoc or long-term plan basis.
The Treaty of Westphalia ended the Thirty Years' War of Europe, resulting in a unique Western-modelled understanding of foreign policy. However, this kind of systematised understanding does not help to understand East or South Asia's foreign policies.
For example, post-Second World War American politics was largely based on Morgenthau's six principles, fundamentally connected to upholding national interest. It involved a 'grand area' strategy, always creating an outside enemy to sustain its long-term credibility and acceptance.
In contrast, China's foreign policy embeds a certain duality in character, more evident in its paradoxical behaviour concerning the South China Sea, a unique philosophy rooted in Daoism. If we consider China's foreign policy, the systematised understanding of the West only begets China as an "enemy" of America, but does not help to appreciate the Ying-Yang (contradictory and complementary) aspects of Chinese foreign policy.
Similarly, South Asian foreign policies, especially in the Indian subcontinent, have a unique legacy dating before the East India Company. The Indian lore of Kautilya's "Arthashastra", the Mughal Empire's dynastic rules, and Britain's colonial rule, all contributed to the evolution of this region's politics. Besides, in the second half of the twentieth century, colonial de-scaling forced the newly independent countries to navigate their external politics on their own in unique ways.
According to Chanakya's Mandala Theory, a state must cultivate alliances with certain neighbouring states, to protect itself against threats from states that are its "natural enemies." This has long shaped India's trade, foreign policy and neighbourhood alliance strategy.
In contrast, Bangladesh claims that its foreign policy dictum is Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's historic maxim "Friendship towards all, malice towards none," adopted as a UN resolution in 2022. Could this saying by Bangabandhu from 1974 be a foreign policy guideline for Bangladesh in 2023? Is it just a catchphrase to mask the policy vacuum? Or is it used to substantiate an absent modus operandi, meaning the country has, in fact, no foreign policy?
If one looks at the evolving actions of Bangladesh towards different states since 1971, under different ruling parties, one will see that Bangladesh has followed a flexible foreign policy – a shifting one, depending on its immediate national interests. To understand this, one must avoid the risk of understanding foreign policy in a Western pedagogy, and embrace its nature for its own sake.
Bangladesh's external relations with other countries are primarily based on Article 25 of the constitution promoting international peace, security, and solidarity. As a country, Bangladesh was once marred by natural disasters, abject poverty, and terrorism, and has now become an ambitious state looking to achieve economic growth rapidly. Like in the Chinese early-development era, the country reduced its hunger and poverty rate, then gradually modernised and developed its industry and export sectors.
Located in a critical geopolitical space, triangled by India and Myanmar, Bangladesh maintains a cordial relationship with its neighbours. The same goodwill can be observed in its relations with Japan, China, and other SAARC countries, undoubtedly rooted in its economic cooperation with the former two countries.
Bangladesh follows an adaptive approach in economic interest-based calculations and geopolitical interests. As the concerns over BRI and Indo-Pacific Strategy have surrounded the regional political atmosphere, Bangladesh does have a proper economic willingness to join the BRI and has published the Indo-Pacific Outlook recently. The country's strategy here is to attract foreign investment as long as the cooperation serves its economic interests to achieve its national goal of Vision 2030 and Vision 2041.
Bangladesh may not have a definitive strategy apart from its economic interest, but the government follows a more adaptive way to cope with new situations and manage unknown risks. For example, the country published the Indo-Pacific Outlook (IPO) in the face of international pressure for a definitive outlook on an urgent basis.
Faced with a staggering number of Rohingya refugees, the country opened up its border without foreseeing the deep troubles it would get into. However, it made Bangladesh a country with an international humanitarian image, which even European countries could not achieve during the 2015 Migrant crisis.
The fault line of such an ad-hoc basis mitigating foreign policy risks sometimes puts Bangladesh in awkward silence, i.e., to be in a neutral position over the Russia-Ukraine War. This is because of how the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) functions – the ministry primarily relies on a "completing task" basis rather than pursuing a specific objective or realising any long-term vision in its actions.
Yet, on many occasions, it formulates policy and strategy papers such as Indo-Pacific Outlook, National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security, and Blue Economy Development Work Plan. However, the efficacy of such ad-hoc and adaptive policy is open to question. Still, Bangladesh can shape its foreign policy to mitigate its political risks and leverage its economic interests owing to the nation's philosophical roots in peace-loving and neutrality.
Certainly, Bangladesh needs to have a ten-year, fifty-year foreign policy grand strategy, but that does not mean the country is not carrying any right now. Its foreign policy is moving slowly in an adaptive manner, but to function properly in long-term geopolitical competition in the South Asia region, Bangladesh also needs to revise its method.
Towkir Hossain is a Dhaka-based research analyst on international and strategic issues.
Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and views of The Business Standard.
Bangladesh often highlights its foreign policy as being based on Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's historic maxim – "Friendship towards all, malice towards none." However, one may find it perplexing to use a quote as a foreign policy dictum in the changed geopolitical context of the twenty-first century.
In this article, I will argue that Bangladesh has a foreign policy that is adaptive towards different geopolitical risks, which are implemented on an ad-hoc basis. The efficacy of such a policy is a different discussion, but when it comes to policy questions, Bangladesh certainly does have one.
What exactly is a foreign policy of a country? Scholars cannot agree on a single definition of foreign policy in the study of international relations.
At its core, foreign policy consists of each state taking actions or decisions in its relations with other states. Put more bluntly, foreign policy is a set of actions taken by the state, be it on an ad-hoc or long-term plan basis.
The Treaty of Westphalia ended the Thirty Years' War of Europe, resulting in a unique Western-modelled understanding of foreign policy. However, this kind of systematised understanding does not help to understand East or South Asia's foreign policies.
For example, post-Second World War American politics was largely based on Morgenthau's six principles, fundamentally connected to upholding national interest. It involved a 'grand area' strategy, always creating an outside enemy to sustain its long-term credibility and acceptance.
In contrast, China's foreign policy embeds a certain duality in character, more evident in its paradoxical behaviour concerning the South China Sea, a unique philosophy rooted in Daoism. If we consider China's foreign policy, the systematised understanding of the West only begets China as an "enemy" of America, but does not help to appreciate the Ying-Yang (contradictory and complementary) aspects of Chinese foreign policy.
Similarly, South Asian foreign policies, especially in the Indian subcontinent, have a unique legacy dating before the East India Company. The Indian lore of Kautilya's "Arthashastra", the Mughal Empire's dynastic rules, and Britain's colonial rule, all contributed to the evolution of this region's politics. Besides, in the second half of the twentieth century, colonial de-scaling forced the newly independent countries to navigate their external politics on their own in unique ways.
According to Chanakya's Mandala Theory, a state must cultivate alliances with certain neighbouring states, to protect itself against threats from states that are its "natural enemies." This has long shaped India's trade, foreign policy and neighbourhood alliance strategy.
In contrast, Bangladesh claims that its foreign policy dictum is Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's historic maxim "Friendship towards all, malice towards none," adopted as a UN resolution in 2022. Could this saying by Bangabandhu from 1974 be a foreign policy guideline for Bangladesh in 2023? Is it just a catchphrase to mask the policy vacuum? Or is it used to substantiate an absent modus operandi, meaning the country has, in fact, no foreign policy?
If one looks at the evolving actions of Bangladesh towards different states since 1971, under different ruling parties, one will see that Bangladesh has followed a flexible foreign policy – a shifting one, depending on its immediate national interests. To understand this, one must avoid the risk of understanding foreign policy in a Western pedagogy, and embrace its nature for its own sake.
Bangladesh's external relations with other countries are primarily based on Article 25 of the constitution promoting international peace, security, and solidarity. As a country, Bangladesh was once marred by natural disasters, abject poverty, and terrorism, and has now become an ambitious state looking to achieve economic growth rapidly. Like in the Chinese early-development era, the country reduced its hunger and poverty rate, then gradually modernised and developed its industry and export sectors.
Located in a critical geopolitical space, triangled by India and Myanmar, Bangladesh maintains a cordial relationship with its neighbours. The same goodwill can be observed in its relations with Japan, China, and other SAARC countries, undoubtedly rooted in its economic cooperation with the former two countries.
Bangladesh follows an adaptive approach in economic interest-based calculations and geopolitical interests. As the concerns over BRI and Indo-Pacific Strategy have surrounded the regional political atmosphere, Bangladesh does have a proper economic willingness to join the BRI and has published the Indo-Pacific Outlook recently. The country's strategy here is to attract foreign investment as long as the cooperation serves its economic interests to achieve its national goal of Vision 2030 and Vision 2041.
Bangladesh may not have a definitive strategy apart from its economic interest, but the government follows a more adaptive way to cope with new situations and manage unknown risks. For example, the country published the Indo-Pacific Outlook (IPO) in the face of international pressure for a definitive outlook on an urgent basis.
Faced with a staggering number of Rohingya refugees, the country opened up its border without foreseeing the deep troubles it would get into. However, it made Bangladesh a country with an international humanitarian image, which even European countries could not achieve during the 2015 Migrant crisis.
The fault line of such an ad-hoc basis mitigating foreign policy risks sometimes puts Bangladesh in awkward silence, i.e., to be in a neutral position over the Russia-Ukraine War. This is because of how the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) functions – the ministry primarily relies on a "completing task" basis rather than pursuing a specific objective or realising any long-term vision in its actions.
Yet, on many occasions, it formulates policy and strategy papers such as Indo-Pacific Outlook, National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security, and Blue Economy Development Work Plan. However, the efficacy of such ad-hoc and adaptive policy is open to question. Still, Bangladesh can shape its foreign policy to mitigate its political risks and leverage its economic interests owing to the nation's philosophical roots in peace-loving and neutrality.
Certainly, Bangladesh needs to have a ten-year, fifty-year foreign policy grand strategy, but that does not mean the country is not carrying any right now. Its foreign policy is moving slowly in an adaptive manner, but to function properly in long-term geopolitical competition in the South Asia region, Bangladesh also needs to revise its method.
Towkir Hossain is a Dhaka-based research analyst on international and strategic issues.
Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and views of The Business Standard.